Democracy and Subjective Rights: Democracy Without Demos by Colliot-Thelene Catherine

Author:Colliot-Thelene Catherine [Catherine, Colliot-Thelene]
Language: eng
Format: epub
ISBN: 9781786613066
Google: ke3bwgEACAAJ
Goodreads: 44331563
Publisher: ECPR Press
Published: 2019-01-15T08:06:31+00:00

1Arendt, 1979, p. 291.

2See Sternberger, 1990, pp. 17–31.

3One must of course distinguish between nationalism and patriotism. For Rousseau, the people must necessarily feel united, but this feeling is the result of laws and customs deliberately created for this purpose. The admiration he expresses for Moses stems from the fact that the laws Moses imposed on the Jews gave this people a unity that withstood centuries and dispersion. See, in particular, the fragment about the Jews in Political Fragments (1994, pp. 33–35).

4See PhR, §268 (Hegel, 1991, p. 288). On the notion of politische Gesinnung in Hegel, see Kervégan, 2007, pp. 343–59.

5According to the expression made famous by the work of Benedict Anderson (2006).

6Weber, 1978, p. 922.

7Ibid., pp. 921–22.

8Ibid., p. 922.

9Smith, 2003, pp. 64–65.

10Moreover, Art. 25 and 26 of the 1793 Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen attributed to the ‘entire people’ a sovereignty that was ‘one and indivisible, imprescriptible and inalienable.’

11Schönberger, 2005, p. 132.

12This citation is taken from a text presented to the National Assembly by Marie-Joseph Chénier on August 24, 1792. In concrete terms, this proposal merely resulted in the granting of honorary citizenship to a few famous individuals (among them Thomas Paine, Jeremy Bentham, Anacharsis Cloots, and George Washington). See Weil, 2008, p. 14.

13Exemplary from this perspective is the work of Benhabib, The Rights of Others (2004), whose arguments I sum up and discuss below. See also Smith’s discussion of the positions of Rawls and Habermas on migration policies (2003, p. 135ff).

14This is what Balibar says, in different words, when he remarks in a note in his book on equaliberty (with which I fully agree) that ‘the statements of the Declaration [he is referring to the Declaration of 1789] are neither nationalist nor cosmopolitan, and, more profoundly, the concept of the citizen which they embody is not a concept of belonging. It is not the concept of a citizen of a particular state, city, or community, but, as it were, the concept of a citizen taken absolutely’ (2014, p. 307, modified translation). We shall have the occasion to return in greater detail to the theme of belonging.

15The absence of the notion of universal suffrage in Rousseau is highlighted by Rosanvallon (1992, pp. 56–57, p. 215 and pp. 217–18): ‘While Rousseau posited that “the legislative power belongs to the people, and can belong to it alone,” by no means did he envision a political system based on voting, in the sense that we understand it today.’

16See, for instance, Manin, 1997, p. 132. After showing that representative government was conceived by most of its proponents as an antidote to democracy, he notes that the extension of the right to vote, the elimination of wealth requirements for representatives and, in particular, the advent of universal suffrage ‘gave rise to the belief that representation was progressing toward popular government.’

17See Shklar, 1991.

18See Rosanvallon’s analyses on this topic, 1992, pp. 88–118.

19On the right of suffrage as a symbol of belonging, see Rosanvallon, 1992 and Shklar, 1991.

20Theory and Practice is the title under which the 1793 opuscule is generally cited.

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